Background: This study examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on policing, focusing on changes in calls for service and spatial and demographic patterns of demand, and the experiences of call handlers. It explores how policing and community behaviours are adapted under crisis conditions. By examining shifts in demand and police response during the pandemic, we offer insights into how policing strategies and community behaviours evolved under crisis conditions. Methods: The study employs a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative analysis of call data with qualitative interviews. The dataset covers calls for service from 2015 to 2020, aggregated at neighbourhood level. We used time series forecasting to create a counterfactual against which to compare observed data. Spatial analysis was performed using a Gini coefficient and Location Quotient to measure concentration within LSOAs and by linking call data with the Index of Multiple Deprivation to consider socio-demographic shifts. Thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews with call handlers examined their experiences. Results: Call volumes dropped overall, but reports of anti-social behaviour (ASB) related to lockdown breaches and drug incidents increased, and became less spatially concentrated. Call handlers reported stress related to managing complex public health-related queries but a positive ability to resolve more calls remotely. They also reported changes in the nature of calls, such as around domestic incidents and harassment. Police attended a higher percentage of calls and reduced time on scene. Conclusions: Call patterns during the pandemic shifted in nature, spatial distribution, and socio-demographic trends, highlighting the need for ongoing monitoring and adaptive resource allocation. Insights from call handlers are crucial for understanding these changes and guiding strategies to support staff and respond effectively to evolving community needs.
Calls for police service reflect public safety needs and community concerns (Simpson & Orosco, 2021), encompassing crime and non-crime incidents alike. Studies estimate that 20%–51% of these calls are non-crime-related (Antunes & Scott, 1981; Ratcliffe, 2021; Langton, Ruiter & Verlaan, 2023), addressing a variety of issues from traffic incidents to mental health crises requiring nuanced and context-sensitive responses (Lum, Koper, & Wu, 2022). Examining call patterns provides a nuanced view of community dynamics beyond crime statistics, offering insights into operational challenges and public expectations.
The COVID-19 pandemic significantly disrupted daily life, altering community behaviour and, consequently, police demand. Restrictions on movement and new government regulations created unique challenges, including enforcing lockdown rules and shielding vulnerable officers. These shifts in demand and response are crucial to understand because police handling of calls directly influences public perceptions of their legitimacy during crises (Boulton et al., 2024), while community cooperation remains essential for effective crisis management (Sargeant et al., 2021). Analysing these changes offers valuable insights not only into adapting policing strategies during emergencies but also into strengthening preparedness for future unprecedented events.
This paper contributes to understanding these shifts by examining calls for service during the pandemic through quantitative analysis of call data and qualitative interviews with call handlers. We focus on demand changes in Cheshire Constabulary, UK, and provide three key insights:
First, a counterfactual analysis comparing call volumes during the pandemic to pre-pandemic expectations showed call volume declined overall due to reduced mobility and crime opportunities, but anti-social behaviour and drug-related reports increased. We suspect community surveillance drove these trends, as people spent more time at home.
Second, interviews about the operational experiences of call handlers revealed they adapted to resolving more incidents remotely and managing non crime-related queries amid evolving regulations. Despite lower call volumes, the emotional and procedural toll on staff was significant.
Finally, analysis of spatial concentration of call type showed calls became less concentrated in high-demand areas, with affluent neighbourhoods contributing more reports of anti-social behaviour than before. These shifts highlight how crises disrupt traditional spatial and socio-demographic patterns of police demand.
These findings shed light on pandemic-era policing challenges, offering strategies for future crisis management and staff support.
The COVID-19 pandemic reshaped police calls for service, with overall call volumes decreasing during lockdowns due to reduced activity and mobility. For instance, traffic collisions declined significantly as fewer cars were on the roads (Ashby, 2020). However, certain types of incidents, such as unexpected deaths at home, increased due to pandemic-related factors.
International evidence shows strict lockdowns led to fewer robberies, burglaries, and vehicle thefts, though rates of assault, theft, and homicide remained unchanged (Trajtenberg et al., 2024; Nivette et al., 2021). These are mainly linked to restrictions on mobility and activity (Ceccato et al., 2021). However scholars caution in looking to recorded crime statistics to assess changes in prevalence of all crimes. Many argue that domestic violence incidents rose globally, but reporting to police varied, reflecting the complex relationship between crime levels and police demand (Kourti et al., 2021).
Regarding non-crime calls, Demir and Cassino (2024) found large reductions in traffic stops and arrests during the early pandemic months, with mixed results for police use of force. Changes in public behaviour and police priorities likely contributed to these shifts (Dai, Xia, & Han, 2022). Lum, Maupin, and Stoltz (2023) surveyed police departments in the USA and reported significant changes in call types and resource allocation as departments adjusted to pandemic demands. These studies show that the pandemic affected both crime-related and non-crime calls, emphasising the need to examine all aspects of police demand.
Call handlers faced immense challenges during the pandemic, taking on more complex and urgent calls while dealing with heightened workloads and the constant fear of contracting the virus (Koziarski, 2021; Leal, Piquero, & Piquero, 2022). Managing public concerns, complaints, and queries about rapidly changing lockdown regulations added to their stress, as did the increased scrutiny of frontline roles (Boulton et al., 2024). The emotional toll of handling distressing calls, often related to personal or family crises exacerbated by the pandemic, had lasting impacts on their mental health (Nix & Richards, 2021). These experiences underscore the critical need to understand call handlers’ perspectives and to develop support systems that address the demands of high-stress roles during emergencies.
The impact of the pandemic on UK police remains under-researched (Kyprianides et al., 2022). We do know that the pandemic led to significant changes in police operations, such as reductions in in-person training and increased remote work (for example among detectives and those in support roles), while altering interactions with citizens by reducing arrests for minor crimes and increasing warnings for COVID-19 violations (Maskaly et al., 2021). Police were also able to carry out more frequent self-initiated patrol activities compared to before the pandemic, possibly due to the reduced volume of crime resulting in additional time for officers to focus on other tasks (Nielson, Zhang, & Ingram, 2022).
But police also faced challenges, including inconsistent PPE availability, poor communication of rapidly evolving policies, and potential adverse impacts on public confidence in policing (Maskaly et al., 2021). Specific recommendations to support police during a pandemic or crisis include adapting to evolving public expectations, leveraging effective online communication, and ensuring officers are educated to avoid discriminatory practices (Laufs & Waseem, 2020). It is also important to provide mental health support, plan for future crises, optimise staffing procedures, and enhance multi-agency collaboration through improved communication and coordination (Laufs & Waseem, 2020). Kyprianides et al. (2022) found that fostering a positive organisational climate and ensuring clear, responsive communication from leadership are crucial for maintaining support, procedural justice, and officer well-being, while ongoing self-evaluation and adaptability are essential for supporting effective policing.
This study seeks to understand changes in demand by looking at how calls for service changed in the first lockdown, and how police response was affected. We uncover how public expectations changed in the pandemic, both through looking at what calls came in, and where they came from in terms of area-level demographic characteristics, and through the eyes of call handlers to understand their experiences.
This study employed a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative analysis of police call data with qualitative interviews of call handlers. Calls for service data were obtained from Cheshire Constabulary, a medium-sized police force in North England, covering the period from 2015 to the end of 2020. The dataset included incident-level records detailing the date, incident type, and the lower-layer super output area (LSOA) where the incident occurred. LSOAs, designed for statistical consistency, represent neighbourhoods with populations of approximately 1,500–3,000 people (600–1,200 households) (equivalent to block groups in the United States).
To estimate how many calls for service would have occurred in the absence of the COVID-19 pandemic, we developed time-series forecasting models using weekly call counts from January 2015 to December 2019. Separate forecasts were generated for different incident types, with confidence intervals to account for variability. We identified deviations by comparing actual call volumes in 2020 with the forecasted values and considered differences significant only if they fell outside the 99% confidence interval for multiple consecutive weeks during the pandemic lockdowns (to account for the problem of multiple comparisons (since the study considered multiple call types)).
Exploratory spatial analyses assessed changes in the concentration of police calls during the pandemic. Calls were aggregated at the LSOA level, and concentration was quantified using the Gini coefficient to measure distributional inequality across areas. Counterfactual forecasts of Gini coefficients allowed for comparison with observed values, identifying shifts in spatial patterns. Analyses focused on specific categories, including anti-social behaviour (ASB) and drug-related incidents, to explore changes in geographic distribution.
Additionally, we linked to data from the 2019 Indices of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) and examined the relationship between changes in call distribution for areas with different levels of deprivation, providing insights into the socioeconomic factors influencing demand during the pandemic using location quotient as a geographic measure of specialisation (Andresen, 2014). The results of the quantitative analysis informed the subsequent interviews with force call handlers.
We employed a purposive sampling technique to select 12 call handlers. Overall 8 interviews were conducted via video conferencing due to staffing shortages and COVID-19 restrictions in place at the time of the study, each lasting approximately 30-60 minutes. The remaining four call handlers initially selected for interview could not actually be interviewed due to short-notice increases in call volumes meaning they could not be released to take part.
Qualitative data were collected through interviews with eight call handlers, selected via purposive sampling to capture diverse operational experiences. Although 12 participants were initially identified, four were unavailable due to increased call volumes during the study period (2021). Interviews, conducted via video conferencing, lasted 30–60 minutes and followed an open-ended protocol. Questions focused on changes in call dynamics during the pandemic and reflections on findings from the quantitative analysisa. Participants included six women and two men, with service lengths ranging from 2.5 to 20 years (mean: 11 years). Their roles included handling emergency and non-emergency calls and communicating with officers via radio.
Interview transcripts were analysed using thematic analysis based on Braun and Clarke’s (2006) framework. After transcription, the data were reviewed multiple times to ensure familiarity. Initial codes were generated by identifying recurring phrases and patterns, which were grouped into potential themes. These themes were refined by cross-referencing coded data with the full dataset and quantitative findings. Final themes were defined and named, with illustrative quotes integrated into the results to support interpretation.
Changes in the volume and nature of calls to the police during the COVID19 pandemic reflect changes to the interactions between the routine activities of different members of the public, non-police service providers and the police themselves. We now present the main changes observed during this period, interpreted through the lens of the themes which emerged from our qualitative interviews with force call handlers.
During the pandemic, our study area saw a decline in overall calls for service. The number of calls received dropped below expected levels in the absence of the pandemic (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Change in all calls for service during 2020
In line with other published research we also found that with the removal of opportunities came a reduction in crime incidents. The closure of shops and reduced movement of people led to fewer calls relating to shoplifting and theft from vehicles for example1. Similarly there was a reduction in calls for suspected or actual residential burglaries, possibly reflecting burglaries being made more risky because people were spending more time at home.
This reduction in demand allowed for a more efficient response to the remaining calls. Police response times reduced (Figure 2), and for lower priority calls (Grade 2 and Grade 3), officers spent less time on scene compared to pre-pandemic periods (Figure 3), which meant they were free for the next job sooner.
Figure 2: Response time by grade of call
Figure 3: Time on scene by grade
Qualitative interviews also suggested that more calls were being resolved through telephone contact to avoid face-to-face meetings (for increased safety from COVID-19):
“There's quite a few [issues] that can be dealt with by (...) advice over the phone as opposed to an officer having to go out and take statements and things like that, so I think a lot of people were more directed towards maybe speaking to an officer on the phone, maybe giving a statement over the phone. ” (Interviewee 8)
Additionally, the reduced overall call volume meant that call handlers had more time to deal with the calls that did come in, and perceived themselves to have more effectively managed the calls, directing callers to the appropriate resources for example.
“I think (...) because there was a less volume of calls you had more time with people. (...) You had chance to help people work things out in their own head as well, if that makes sense. You were able to resolve more jobs without sending it out to the radio, or (...) You had a chance to talk to them and make the right referrals 'cause you could chat with them for a bit longer.” (interviewee 7)
Of note is that in our data, contrary to initial concerns, there was no significant rise in calls related to domestic incidents. However, qualitative interviews indicated a shift in the nature of domestic conflicts, with an increase in child-related disputes. Our participants suggested that calls for domestic incidents related to cases where the parties had been out drinking seemed fewer (interviewees said this had previously been a very common call), and instead they recalled more cases where the incident was between parent and child, possibly (the call data used for this study do not contain enough detail to be sure) associated with points of conflict from parents trying to enforce the rules of lockdown. This is in line with other research findings (Miles et al., 2024).
“I remember a lady who was desperately upset. She was very, very distressed and this must have been as lockdown was easing a bit because her husband had actually gone out and this was the first opportunity she'd had to make the call.” (interviewee 1)
There is also a question here about the ability to call. It seemed that people were unable to get away to call, or would wait until enough incidents have accumulated to make a call:
“People would then open up and say, well (…) I didn't ring in because it was too petty or because my partner was present. I couldn't get away from him. We were on lockdown. We couldn't leave the address.” (interviewee 1)
Our participants also noted a trend of some harassment moving online. As offenders were unable to travel to victims, call handlers in our study area noted an increase in calls related to online harassment.
“The threats were still being made, but not in person, so they will be made over a text or a phone call, or social media.” (interviewee 4)
“I remember a jump in text messages. People are now harassing me via text. I'm getting constant messages from this person and I don't want them to.“ (interviewee 7)
“Or you got the other one where there's [someone] posting slander about me and people are commenting on it and it's affecting my life (… ) a lot more social media wise harassment, I'd say” (interviewee 7)
One place where a rise in reports was observed is related to breaches of COVID-19 regulations (Figure 4).
Figure 4: calls for ASB
These calls were logged under the category of ASB in most English forces, and our area of study is the same. Thus, the apparent rise in ASB calls in the data primarily reflects concerns about COVID-19 breaches rather than typical ASB issues, such as complaints about young people causing disturbances in parks, fast food outlets, or other popular gathering spots.
“That's probably why there was a spike (in ASB), because if there was any COVID breaches they would be classed as ASB.” (interviewee 5)
“People (...) breaching the conditions of COVID and the rules there was logged as ASB. That was the national policy that that should be logged with ASB.” (interviewee 7)
This is important to note because while many analyses of crime trends during COVID-19 recognise this (e.g.Langton, Dixon, and Farrell, 2021, Halford, Dixon and Farrell, 2022) , there are published papers out there which do not, and instead puzzle over the mechanisms by which antisocial behaviour is related to COVID-19 and associated restrictions (see for example Hajna & Cummins, 2023, Neanidis & Rana, 2023)
Another area of increased reporting were drug-related incidents (Figure 5).
Figure 5: calls for drug related offences.
As people spent more time at home than usual, they became active guardians. Drug-related activity which previously might have gone unreported was being called in to police.
“the calls were about people who were reporting others for using drugs. There would be people smoking cannabis in the garden for instance. And I remember one call about a person who was reporting somebody next door, but one who was smoking cannabis in their garden. Well, the reason they were calling was that they were worried that the cannabis smoke was coming to their garden and that the person smoking the cannabis may have COVID and may be infecting [them].” (interviewee 1)
Interview themes revealed that the role of neighbours in reporting breaches and other issues became more prominent.
“As lockdown progressed and other lockdowns and what have you, we got more calls where the neighbours were reporting the neighbours for having more people in the houses than they were meant to. ” (interviewee 2)
“we had an inbox where you could email in about people breaching the COVID. And there was like 70 emails at a time in there for people reporting the neighbours.” (interviewee 6)
There was an increase in calls made to police about topics that are not traditionally within the remit of police. This was a very prominent theme to emerge from our interviews. Call handlers had an additional task here to manage new issues, outside their remit.
“Generally speaking, members of the public think that the police know everything, and if they don't know who to call, they call the police. So yes, we get asked a very wide range of questions.” (interviewee 1)
For example, related to domestic incidents, calls about custody issues came in:
“I'd say there's quite a lot of child-related incidents to deal with domestic. You know this parents kept this child too long. They shouldn't have them for this long, so. You should be going to get them up. Which is not the case, we don't get really involved with child custody this is not really police matter unless there's immediate risk to the child” (interviewee 4)
But most of these new calls were related to the information about COVID-19 related lockdown regulations.
“Top of my head, there was a guy who had a property, I think in Wales and he wasn't sure if he could go and he was going to drive through different forces to get there. (...) and he was asking whether if he got stopped he would get a fine for doing that.” (Interviewee 3)
“...advice on [lockdown] guidelines. Do we need to isolate? We not? Do we? Do we need to stay in? What we can and can't do? (...) definitely see an increase in general sort of enquiries from people not not really police related and stuff.“ (interviewee 5)
Or COVID-19 lockdown related mental health calls:
“Suppose just feeling lonely. Just wanting someone to speak to really. Sometimes people don't know the right… Haven't got someone to speak to for support so they just ring the police 'cause I think police will be able to help them which we will. But it's definitely not the right service for someone who's struggling with mental health. It's definitely more services out there that would be better suited to them.” (Interviewee 4)
As well as having taken a toll on the mental health of the general public, the COVID-19 pandemic and associated lockdowns also had an effect on the health and wellbeing of police staff.
“You know we have to ask about COVID. Are there any COVID symptoms? Because that would, depend on how we attend and what PPE would be worn by our officers.” (Interviewee 2)
“background information as to whether they were suspected COVID or not. That's just for officer safety, just for them to wear the right protective equipment when they're attending.“ (interviewee 4)
Call handlers, as key workers, faced significant risk and fear, particularly in the early days of the pandemic when the situation was uncertain and frightening, and no vaccine was yet available to provide protection.
“It was so uncertain, though with early days the fear factor was horrendous. I know from a personal point of view I felt that. Having got comorbidities myself and so has my husband who's a lot older than me, I was absolutely petrified and I can remember speaking taking a call from one care home and I said, is there any COVID in the care home and she actually said they've got it. And I think that actually made me feel sick to the core, because, you know, to think that everyone in that care home who get elderly and vulnerable had COVID” (interviewee 2)
Many interviewees pointed out how important it was to have support with the new types of calls coming in, specifically the calls which were asking about COVID-19 regulations. This was a challenge for call handlers because at some times during the pandemic legal restrictions changed frequently and at very short notice. There were also periods when restrictions varied in different parts of the country, which caused additional confusion.
“We were directing people to the government website and asking them to read the regulations themselves. We were not really qualified to advise people on the regulations that actually fit their particular area, because there was an area to area thing at certain times during the lockdown where different local councils” (interviewee 2)
“Yes, we had a very large [Visual Display Unit] on the wall with the latest rules and regulations like a PowerPoint running through on a continual rotation.” (interviewee 1)
Our data allowed us to consider the spatial concentration of calls and how this shifted in the pandemic. The Gini coefficient against the forecast reveals that concentration of calls lessened (Fig 6).
Figure 6: Gini coefficient compared with forecast.
This is mostly driven by the change in concentration for ASB (Figure 7), since calls logged as "ASB" include reports of COVID-19 regulation breaches. Typical ASB activities often occur in specific locations. For example, reports of disturbances involving young people in public spaces or noisy individuals late at night are more common in areas with bars or popular gathering spots such as fast food outlets. However, when this category of call began to include reports of COVID-19 breaches, ASB calls became more dispersed, with more reports coming from neighbourhoods that had previously seen fewer incidents.
Figure 7: Gini coefficient for ASB calls
One category where the concentration of calls increased was for calls about missing persons. The total number of calls reporting missing persons declined since people were only allowed to leave their residences for certain purposes, e.g. children were not going to schools. Despite this, it seems that the calls that did come in were concentrated in a few “hot” LSOAs.
Linking our spatial information with the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) shows how the demographic groups making these calls changed. One way to meaningfully compare changes in ASB across different deprivation deciles is to consider changes in the location quotient (LQ) for ASB. For each decile, we can first calculate the LQ for ASB:
This gives us a measure of specialisation—the higher the score, the more concentrated anti-social behaviour (ASB) is in that decile compared to total crime, suggesting a greater prevalence of ASB relative to other crime types in that area. We can do this for both before and after the pandemic2 to calculate a difference in the LQ for ASB between the two time periods:
This gives us the change in ASB ‘specialisation’ relative to overall crime in that neighbourhood over time. We can see that in areas ranked higher deprivation (1 through 4) there is a decrease in the concentration of ASB calls, while areas with lower deprivation rankings (6 through 10) see an increase (Figure 8).
Figure 8: Change in LQ for ASB reporting before and during COVID-19 by IMD decile
By analysing calls for service at the LSOA level, we identified significant changes in both the volume and spatial distribution of demand during the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as police responses to these calls.
A key finding was the overall reduction in calls for service, which aligns with the general decline in mobility and opportunity for certain crimes, as observed in the literature (Ashby, 2020; Nivette et al., 2021, Ceccato et al., 2021). This reduction in demand allowed for more efficient police responses, with improved response times and a higher proportion of calls attended.
However, while overall call volumes dropped, we observed a rise in reports of ASB and drug-related incidents, largely driven by people acting as guardians in areas where they were not previously doing so, reporting breaches of COVID-19 regulations (logged as ASB) and drug-related activities. While reduced crime during the pandemic may have given police more time for proactive activities, potentially contributing to increased activity on incidents in the drugs category, we did not have the data to consider the extent to which the increase was driven by such activities. But the qualitative interviews suggest the increase was driven at least in part by reports from members of the public.
Traditionally there is a relationship between deprivation and police demand (Ratcliffe, 2021; Demir & Cassino, 2024). However, the shift in ASB reporting during the pandemic saw more affluent areas contributing to a greater share of these calls, a finding that underscores the unique impact of the COVID-19 crisis on community dynamics and police demand. This suggests that while deprivation remains a strong predictor of demand, the nature of incidents and the way communities interact with police services can vary significantly in response to unprecedented events like the pandemic.
In contrast, calls regarding missing persons became more concentrated during the pandemic, suggesting that while overall mobility was restricted, incidents were clustered in specific hotspots. These hotspots may be linked to locations such as children’s homes or hospitals and could represent persistent problem areas even as lockdown restrictions are lifted. However, the return of normal levels of missing person cases may introduce noise, potentially obscuring these underlying patterns. Targeted monitoring of these hotspots is therefore recommended to identify and address recurring issues that might otherwise go unnoticed.
The interviews with police call handlers provided valuable insights into the operational challenges and experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic, highlighting shifts in the nature of calls and the strain on staff. One key theme was the increased reliance on telephone and online interactions to handle incidents, driven by safety concerns and the need to minimise face-to-face contact. Interviewees noted that more issues were resolved remotely, as reflected in statements like, "there's quite a few [issues] that can be dealt with by (...) advice over the phone" (Interviewee 8). This shift helped manage the reduced call volume efficiently, but it also placed new demands on call handlers who had to adapt to changing public expectations.
Another significant finding was the change in domestic incidents reported. While overall calls related to domestic violence did not increase, there was a shift in the nature of these conflicts, with more child-related disputes being reported. This reflects broader societal stressors emerging from lockdown conditions, consistent with previous research on the pandemic's impact on family dynamics (Miles et al., 2024).
Moreover, the interviews highlighted an increase in reports of online harassment, with offenders using digital platforms in place of physical confrontations. As one participant noted, "The threats were still being made but not in person... they will be made over a text or a phone call or social media" (Interviewee 4). This demonstrates the pandemic’s role in pushing some forms of criminal behaviour online.
Lastly, call handlers reported dealing with an influx of calls related to mental health, breaches of COVID-19 regulations, and other related topics that stretched the boundaries of traditional policing. This demonstrates the pandemic's role in reshaping both the public’s expectations of police and the type of incidents being reported. Overall, the qualitative findings highlight the increased complexity and emotional toll on call handlers during this period, while also illustrating their adaptability in managing these unprecedented challenges.
The COVID-19 pandemic significantly changed police demand and operations. Overall call volumes decreased, but ASB calls, driven by reports of lockdown breaches, and drug-related calls increased. Spatially, ASB reporting became less concentrated, with more calls from affluent areas, while missing persons calls declined but became more concentrated in specific hotspots. Existing patterns linking deprivation and demand shifted as calls about breach of lockdown restrictions moved ASB calls’ concentration from high-deprivation areas to more affluent neighbourhoods.
Operationally, police responded to more calls with faster response times and spent less time on scene, improving efficiency. Call handlers resolved more incidents remotely but faced increased stress managing complex calls, including public health queries.
The findings highlight the importance of monitoring changes not only in the volume of calls for service but also in their nature, spatial distribution, and socio-demographic patterns. The increase in anti-social behaviour calls from affluent areas and the clustering of missing persons calls in specific hotspots underscore the need for police departments to adapt their resource allocation and monitoring strategies.
Call handlers play a vital role in identifying these patterns, as their first-hand experience provides critical context for understanding public behaviour and operational challenges. Supporting call handlers through targeted mental health resources and clear, consistent communication of policies is essential for managing their workload and ensuring effective crisis response.
Future strategies should integrate call handler insights to better understand the evolving dynamics of calls for service, including the context of incidents and the broader community impact. Research should continue to explore the long-term implications of these changes to strengthen police-community relationships and operational resilience.
Corresponding author: Reka Solymosi: [email protected]
We sincerely thank the call handlers from Cheshire Constabulary for their time and willingness to share their experiences, which provided invaluable insights for this research.
The authors declare that they have no competing interests. This research was co-produced by academic and policing partners. All results were openly discussed among collaborators, and no findings were withheld from publication.
This research was funded by the N8 Policing Research Partnership Small Grants Scheme.
All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
The call data analysed in this study are police data shared under a data-sharing agreement and are not publicly available due to confidentiality and security restrictions. However, an anonymised analysis code will be made available via a GitHub repository upon publication.
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